By Paul T. Kennedy, Victor Roudometof
Groups throughout Borders examines the various ways that nationwide, ethnic or non secular teams, professions, companies and cultures have gotten more and more tangled jointly. It exhibit how this entanglement is the results of the massive flows of individuals, meanings, items and cash that now migrate among nations and international areas. Now the effectiveness and importance of digital applied sciences for interpersonal verbal exchange (including cyber-communities and the interconnectedness of the worldwide international economic system) at the same time empowers even the poorest humans to forge potent cultures stretching nationwide borders, and compels many to take action to flee injustice and deprivation.
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Extra resources for Communities across Borders: New Immigrants and Transnational Cultures (Transnationalism. Routledge Research in Transnationalism, 5)
The Italian Canadians discussed by Fortier in Chapter 7 as well as the older, established communities of Greek Americans briefly discussed by Roudometof and Karpathakis in Chapter 3 provide examples of such groups. Communities (mostly but not entirely) of meaning cohering around shared lifestyle orientations and practices involving aesthetic, affective bonds and understandings such as sport, celebrity, musical and artistic followings and fanzines. O’Connor’s discussion of the punk subculture in Chapter 10 provides a solid example of such communities.
Even so, there are several reasons for suggesting that we should not allow this to distract us from the need to place all types of globalised communities within a single theoretical frame. First, it is essential to bear in mind all those experiences, opportunities, potential impacts, a common frame of reference, the structural constraints, technological changes and so on which expose every type of community to essentially similar realities under globalised conditions and which we 22 Paul Kennedy and Victor Roudometof examined in detail earlier.
Catholicism was the main factor in the preservation of the traditional way of life in rural communities. The central features of this traditional way of life were the patriarchal family, tight social control, strong kinship and neighbourhood ties and an understanding of the village as an extended kinship network. Individual status came from belonging to a certain family and individual identity was largely ascribed, determined by birth, and for women also by marriage (Erlich 1966). The great majority of the 1960s migrants whom I met through my research came from such rural communities.