By Roberta Rehner Iversen
This unflinching exam of the hindrances to monetary mobility for low-income households exposes the grotesque truth that lies underneath the shining floor of the yank Dream. in fact that almost 25% of hired adults have trouble helping their households this day. In eye-opening interviews, twenty-five staff and approximately one thousand people who find themselves associated with them—children, academics, task running shoes, and employers—tell wrenching tales approximately ''trying to get ahead.'' Spanning 5 towns over 5 years, this research convincingly demonstrates that winning rules approximately chance, benefit, and ''bootstraps'' are outmoded. because the authors exhibit, a few employees who think the myths turn out destroying their health and wellbeing and households within the means of attempting to ''move up.''
Jobs are usually not sufficient demonstrates that the social associations of kinfolk, schooling, exertions industry, and coverage all intersect to influence—and inhibit—employment mobility. It proposes a brand new mobility paradigm grounded in cooperation and collaboration throughout social associations, besides revitalization of the ''public will.''
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Additional resources for Jobs Aren't Enough: Toward a New Economic Mobility for Low-Income Families
Sample text
This myth also presumes that even people who grow up in poverty can incrementally accrue family-supporting wages if they work hard and play by the rules of the firm. ). On this view, remaining in the same firm is the typical route to wage advancement after an initial period of job hopping yields sizeable increases in income. Recent research finds that wage mobility for low-earning workers is now predominantly lateral rather than vertical (Carnevale & Rose , 2001; Osterman, 1999). Wage growth for less educated workers may seem larger in job changes between than within firms (Duncan, Boisjoly, & Smeeding, 1996), but only because wage growth tends to be low when they work for the same employer, not because their wage returns to job change are high.
A further aspect of the EITC should be recalled when reading about the families and their firms in Chapter 6. The refund for ten of the thirteen families who use the EITC while we are in contact with them ranges from a low of $341 to a high of $3,888, the latter figure being the maximum credit allowable for the 2000 tax year (Berube & Forman, 2001). Although the EITC is rightly credited with improving the financial well-being of families with household incomes under $35,000, it is far from a panacea, largely because the base wages of the key parents are relatively low.
The importance of the spouses and partners of the key parents to family economic mobility is evident in the family stories in subsequent chapters. In all, the research team has regular contact with forty parents over the study period. 1). The families bear seven more children over our years of contact for a total of sixty-six. Only one family has children over the age of eighteen in residence. Given the parents’ average age of thirty-two, it is not surprising that the average age of the oldest child in the family is eight years and that two-thirds of the children are under the age of thirteen.