By Alberto Simpser
Why do events and governments cheat in elections they can not lose? This publication records the frequent use of blatant and over the top manipulation of elections and explains what drives this custom. Alberto Simpser indicates that, sometimes, elections are approximately greater than successful. Electoral manipulation is not just a device used to realize votes, but additionally a way of transmitting or distorting details. This manipulation conveys a picture of power, shaping the habit of electorate, bureaucrats, politicians, events, unions, and businesspeople to the advantage of the manipulators, expanding the scope for the manipulators to pursue their targets whereas in govt and mitigating destiny demanding situations to their carry on strength. Why Governments and events control Elections offers a basic thought approximately what drives electoral manipulation and empirically files international styles of manipulation.
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Additional info for Why Governments and Parties Manipulate Elections: Theory, Practice, and Implications (Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions)
Example text
Work on dominant-party regimes takes the view that the value of election fraud lies in its contribution to winning the election at hand. In his excellent study of dominant party success and decline, Greene expects that a dominant party will use election fraud only when “elections are predicted to be close” or, put differently, “in elections it might actually lose” (2007, 14 and 43). My argument differs from this perspective: I argue – and show empirically – that election fraud contributes to authoritarian survival even when it does not make a difference between losing and winning (for instance, when victory is assured).
26 This conversation is remarkable in that it provides a rare and candid glimpse into a manipulator’s motives. It suggests, first, that the patterns of manipulation that we observe, whether marginal, excessive, or otherwise, are the result of purposeful choice by the manipulating party or parties (as well as of their capacities and limitations, of course). Second, it provides a rare unmediated glimpse into the rationale for manipulating excessively as articulated by a head of government. Third, the zeal of the president’s urging suggests the importance of the underlying goal – to project, maintain, and enhance the ruling party’s power.
Nevertheless, in contrast with Tucker’s, my argument predicts an increased likelihood of postelection protests even in cases where the public believes that the manipulator was the rightful winner, so long as the outcome makes the manipulator look weak. A possible example of such a situation is the 2011–2012 set of Russian elections.