By David Denver (auth.)
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Example text
In contrast, anyone can go to a library and 24 ELECTIONS AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN BRITAIN 2. 3. 4. 5. collect election results, census data and the like and then, armed only with a small calculator and a knowledge of some elementary statistical techniques, embark upon analysis. Aggregate data such as election results reflect real behaviour - what voters actually did - while surveys only report what voters say they have done. There is sometimes a disjunction between these. Surveys always find, for instance, that more people claim to have voted in an election than actually did, according to the election returns.
Like the 'social determinism' model, the Michigan model suggests that long-term factors are most important in determining party choice. But there is not a simple step from social Iocation to voting behaviour. Rather, the social position that an individual occupies affects the kinds of influences that he or she will encounter . in interacting with family, friends, neighbours, workmates and so on. As a consequence of these interactions especially within the family - the individual acquires a party identi/ication.
30 55 15 Working Class NonC. of RC Seot. eonformist 25 59 16 22 62 16 18 68 14 Source: Butler and Stokes (1974, p. 158). basis. In a largely secular, non-churchgoing society it is not clear what it means to say that someone 'belongs' to one religious denomination or another. None the less, in many Western European states religion remains a highly important determinant of party choice. And the same was true of Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In those days, the Church of England could fairly be described as 'the Tory party at prayer' while the Liberal party was strongly supported by Nonconformists.