By Elizabeth J. Remick
This ebook examines how the ways that neighborhood executive selected to form the establishment of prostitution ended up reworking neighborhood states themselves. It starts off by way of taking a look at the origins of prostitution legislation in Europe and the way it unfold from there to China through Tokyo. Elizabeth Remick then drills down into the several regulatory techniques of Guangzhou (revenue-intensive), Kunming (coercion-intensive), and Hangzhou (light regulation). In all 3 circumstances, there have been designated results and implications for statebuilding, a few of which made governments greater and wealthier, a few of which weakened and undermined improvement. This learn makes a robust case for why gender has to be written into the tale of statebuilding in China, even if girls, regularly barred from political lifestyles at the moment in China, weren't noticeable political actors.
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Additional info for Regulating prostitution in China : gender and local statebuilding, 1900-1937
Sample text
For example, the Kunming police’s prostitution regulation stated that the purpose of regulating prostitution was to “distinguish the good from the bad” (bie liangyou) and thereby to protect the virtue of good women as well as the morality of society as a whole. In laying out what “bad” women were and were not permitted to do, prostitution regulations were also making rules about how “good” women should behave. Regulations sometimes required “bad” women to be physically marked by stipulating that they wear certain styles of clothing, hairstyles, or numbered badges in public.
Inmates were never simply released into society as free agents, because there was no place for respectable women outside of a family unit. ” Elements of the regulatory system began to appear around the country immediately after the turn of the twentieth century, beginning in Beijing and the provincial capital cities. Beijing had a fairly comprehensive version of such a system in its police regulations by 1906 (the year Guangxu 32), and it may even have predated this in some form by a couple of years (Jing 28 o r i g i n s o f c h i n a’ s r e g u l a t i o n r e g i m e shi xun jing zong ting 1910, 378–397).
In 1888 the compulsory health inspections were eliminated in the face of abolitionist political pressure. Brothel registration was subsequently ended in 1894, but skyrocketing VD rates among incom34 o r i g i n s o f c h i n a’ s r e g u l a t i o n r e g i m e ing Chinese migrant workers finally convinced the colonial government to enact an informal, off-the-books registration system similar to Hong Kong’s from 1899 to 1927, at which time all of the quasi-legal brothels were closed down (Warren 1993, 104–109, 128, 149, 175).