By Pamela Kyle Crossley
This complete yet concise narrative of China because the eighteenth century builds its tale round the tender courting among important govt and native communities.
- Rejects the normal view of China as a unconditionally harmonious society in line with rules of balance – the Unwobbling Pivot of Ezra Pound's translation of the chinese language vintage Zhongyong
- Provides an unique interpretation, arguing that advancements will be defined via an figuring out of China’s excellent swings among centralization and decentralization, among neighborhood initiative and principal authoritarianism
- Serves as an creation to the topic, whereas readers with a historical past in chinese language heritage will locate the publication deals a private viewpoint and addresses long-standing interpretive issues
- Supported through quite a few timelines, maps, illustrations, and broad notes for extra reading
- Places China’s background in the context of world change
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Extra info for The Wobbling Pivot, China since 1800: An Interpretive History
Example text
In the most notorious incidence of a private citizen convicted for enraged violence against the police, journalists, lawyers, professors and other urban élites – though not members of the state–capitalist coalition – became visible as a layer of resistance against state authority. In 2007 Yang Jia was roughed up by police in Shanxi province who stopped him for questioning at a train station. Later Yang transferred to Shanghai, where he was unemployed, and was arrested by police because he was riding an unlicensed bicycle (which he had rented).
In 1647 the Manchu aristocrats, who effectively controlled the government, decided to dispatch former Ming generals who had joined the Qing cause in the 1630s, as well as Wu Sangui – the high-ranking northeastern general who had facilitated the Qing entry into Beijing – to the south. Their commission was to destroy Ming loyalist holdouts in the region, and their compensation was the right to their own dominions in south China, acknowledging only the Qing court as their overlords. It took these super military governors of the south – in the English-language histories sometimes called “feudatories” or “satraps” – more than a decade to impose their rule upon their designated Sources of Order Under the Qing Empire 25 regions of the south, but by the late 1650s each had a regime in place, collecting taxes, maintaining armies, building palaces and keeping their own bureaucracies.
Even administrative issues can be subject to negotiation by mobilization, as when thousands protested a decision to diminish the status of Daye, Hubei, from a city to a district (and then protested again after police used dogs to break up the crowd) in August of 2005, or taxi drivers rioting from Guangdong to Qinghai to protest the failure to enforce regulations against unlicensed cabs. The Chinese government acknowledges these incidents are on the rise. Premier Wen Jiabao’s deputy for financial and economic affairs, Chen Xiwen, made extensive comment on the matter in July of 2005, suggesting that rural incidents were a healthy sign that farmers were improving in democratic awareness without presenting a serious threat to the state.